By Arjuna
Seneviratne
You can download the book from the arjunareflections blogspot.
(http://arjunareflections.blogspot.co.uk/)
Please feel
free to download this but if you are a kindle user, please help Asoka cover his
costs by getting the
kindle version from amazon.com
Review of “Revolution of the Era:The Inside story of how Maithri Defeated Mahinda” by Asoka Abeygunarwardana
How David
slew Goliath or how the opposition managed the impossible despite of itself
(The
translator’s job is to translate. It is up to others to review a work but in
this case, my role as translator and my role as an independent citizen of Sri
Lanka got admixed. Here therefore, is the strange phenomenon of a translator
actually reviewing a work)
I have
never voted in an election despite the fact that it was my right and my
franchise to do so. I refrained because I was not entirely convinced of the
truthfulness of modern representative democracy when the word Demokratia (demos
/ kratos) meaning “people’s power” and direct democracy said that any citizen
of a nation or community or group who wished to engage it, could participate in
government.
People in
my country, in general, over the last seven or so decades have rarely if ever
had a chance to participate. Their only claim to civic glory was “I voted for
this or that government” or “I hate this or that government because I didn’t
vote for it”. In each of the dozens of elections hidden behind a much touted,
oft misunderstood, definitely popular democratic façade, the new government
voted itself in, riding on the short term machinations of a few individuals
keenly cognizant of an individual’s worth either as a brand (saleable) or as a
commodity (essential). I do not vote because history has shown me that
regardless of, despite of, because of, the people’s aspirations of heaven after
a given election, the politic has failed people’s power and I am not
sufficiently dumb to believe that the next election would be any different from
those that preceded it.
MaithripalaYet,
the civic conscious citizenry of the country, whether they vote or not,
primarily, keep their ears to the socio-politic, the political-economic and socio-environment
baseline and secondarily, look for extraordinarily ordinary fellows (not as in
the derogatory way that term is used in these days but rather in terms of
brothers) who are smart enough, brave enough and committed enough to engage in
demos-kratos for the social, political and environmental benefit of all. They
are at best reviled or at worst snuffed. Such is the madness we call this
country of ours.
On the 21st
of December 2014, I met such a one. On Polhengoda road. I was buying groceries.
His small office and my small home share the same lane so the meet wasn’t
entirely happenstance. He rolled down his window and I said “සිරා game එකක් ගහනවා කියල අරන්ච්ච්යි.”. He said “මහින්දගේ කාලේ ඉවරයි” I said, “මෛත්රී ගන්න එක ලෙහෙසිත් නැහැ, රනිල් ඉල්ලන එක නවත්තන්න ලෙහෙසිත් නැහැ.
කොහොමද වැඩේ කෙරුවේ?” He
gave me an enigmatic smile.
That man
was Asoka Abeygunarwardana, the key political strategist in the multiplayer,
multipart drama that brought down the supposedly invincible incumbent President
Mahinda Rajapaksa. In his recently published book “Yuga Peraliya” translated
into English as “The Revolution of the Era” he gives us an electric commentary
of the punch-by-counter punch political chess game that should keep people
staring sightless, hours after the last page is read, shaking their head in
wonder at how something this far-fetched could actually happen.
With a
powerful incumbent with near total control of the political machinery of a
country drowning in corruption, a fractured and weakened opposition and the
citizenry resigned to “more of the same” subsequent to a “sure-thing” Mahinda
victory, this world-shocking transition could only have happened if the key
moves were made by someone with great civic aspirations and not political ones.
Asoka seems
to have fit the bill to the T and as one reads through the incidents, one
starts to understand the self-promotional rationale of politicians regardless
of the country and becomes increasingly aware that only a relatively
a-political person could have managed to engineer the enabling conditions for
an opposition victory. In the immediate aftermath of the opposition victory,
there were many claims made by many people as to how important their role was
in bringing about the envisaged change but one realizes as one reads through
the book that those claims are highly questionable. Asoka sums this up with a
cliché that is nevertheless true in these circumstances “Victory has many
fathers but defeat is an orphan”.
Asoka is at
his abrasive and honest best in his portrayal of the battle of our times and he
makes no excuse for it. Having known him for a decade and having much respect
for similar honesty on the part of his father before him, this came as no
surprise at all. In a heady narrative, Asoka takes us back to January 27th 2013
and the determining factor that turned the worm as it were and started the
campaign and how Mahinda, riding upon a bucking, over confident bronco, charged
forward on a journey towards self-destruction. Describing the aftermath of that
decision, he takes us through the launch and public acknowledgement of the
Pivithuru Hetak Movement (PHM) and, the simple but brilliant political strategy
engineered by Asoka and Shiral Lakthilaka to bring the two nationalist forces
under Ven. Ratana and Rev. Maduluwawe Sobhitha who headed up the National
Movement for a Just Society (NMJS) together towards the launch of the proposal
for the 19th Amendment to the constitution. He states the high regard he has
for Rev. Ratana and how he single handedly wrested control of the nationalist
forces from the insanity of the Bodu Bala Sena and how he managed to engineer an
alliance between Sinhalese and Tamil nationalists towards a common goal. Reading like a political thriller, the story
takes the reader through the political sharpness of Ranil Wickremesinghe, the
role of Patali Champika Ranawaka, the betrayal of Udaya Gammanpila, the tragedy
of Dayaasiri, the madness of Tissa Attanayake, the doubt of Nimal Siripala, the
actions of minority parties, the astigmatism of the JVP. It barrels the reader
through a campaign never started, a campaign undone, a campaign floundering, a
campaign resurrected literally from the ashes. From the reason why 300 days
were cut to 100 days, through manifesto before marketing, past මෛත්රී පාලනයක් vs Unite for Change, money vs no
money, cutouts vs no cutouts, the book unravels intrigue upon intrigue,
outlines failed strategies giving rise to innovative thrusts and pulls, storms
before the calm and loud calls of confrontation, manipulation, confusion,
conviction and sacrifice as the variously positioned pieces of this nationwide
chess game move inexorably towards checkmating the king.
Three facts
emerge from this book that cannot be contested. The first is that Maithripala
Sirisena, in one of the bravest and most selfless moves in modern politics
anywhere in the world, walked out of the SLFP and literally off the political
ledge, with only a fleeting glimpse of vague political possibilities as his
surety and thereby created by default, the force behind which an opposition
could fall in line despite the fact that it was at sixes and sevens with itself.
The second is the debunking of the claim that the opposition victory was due to
the minority vote. The third is that the floating vote that was created by the
Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) in 2004 gestated, matured and ripened over a decade
and became the key block that swung the election in favor of Maithripala
Sirisena.
Hanging
over all of these political pyrotechnics, Asoka points out this significant
determinant: The people were sick of Mahinda, sick of his high handed ways,
sick of the misery he was unleashing on everyone through his henchmen, sick of
the opposition and its weak, goalless meandering and desperately searching for
a political personality that had been largely unscathed and unsullied by
personal desire or personal gain and they found that person in Maithripala
Sirisena and voted for him.
Yet,
despite of all of that, Asoka points out that this is still a work-in-progress
and that initial mistakes in the immediate aftermath of the victory have now
resulted in relative chaos with respect to the executive and the mandate given
to parliament and whether or not that mandate is valid. Such is, when one sees
the selfless collide with the selfish.
As Bobby
Fisher said “Every checkmate is a stalemate at another level” and as my friend,
intellectual critic and fellow debater Kumi Nesiah says “The reason why nations
use Democracy as the state religion is not because it prevents revolutions
through higher satisfaction but because it channels the energies of
dissatisfaction into false revolutions called elections. Like any state
religion, it’s just another façade”. I am not able to contest those assertions
either as a master chess player then and a civic conscious a-political thinker
now.
Still, all
is not lost. As long as there are people like Asoka who understands the egos
and manipulations of the many and the strategy to create democratic spaces that
had been severely compromised in the recent past, others who hid themselves in
civil society action for the people when the rulers had reneged on that promise
are now capable of involving themselves in government through demos-kratos.
The hidden
message of “Revolution of the era” is that selfless individuals can single
handedly make massive changes happen if they are malleable, do not cleave to
views, are willed to know truthfully not blindly, brave enough to experience
directly, are capable of stating the start of such inquiry impartially, are
capable of holding its conclusion until the completion of such inquiry, are
capable of stating the results of such a conclusion impartially and finally,
and most importantly, understand that the best compromise is one that makes
nobody happy.
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