By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN -
FRONTLINE from THE HINDU
 |
Prabakaran
with his comrades, political adviser Anton Balasingham,
Kumaran
Pathmanathan (centre) and Shankar, at an undisclosed
location.
This undated photograph, reportedly taken from a
recovered
family photo album of Prabakaran,
was released
by Sri Lanka's Ministry of Defence on May 13, 2009. Photo:AFP
|
The signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement on July 29,
1987, in Colombo by Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayewardene
marked a turning point in the history of Sri Lanka as well as in India-Sri
Lanka relations. Under it, the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was despatched
to the island’s Northern and Eastern provinces. The situation went haywire with
the beginning of a military confrontation between the IPKF and the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) from October 10, 1987, and a marked reluctance on
the part of Colombo to implement the agreement. The IPKF-LTTE military conflict
saw the death of about 1,200 Indian soldiers and 660 LTTE cadres. An LTTE
suicide bomber assassinated Rajiv Gandhi when he was campaigning at
Sriperumbudur, about 30 km from Chennai, on May 21, 1991.
This changed the LTTE’s fortunes forever. It caused a
tremendous revulsion towards the organisation in Tamil Nadu. It was proscribed
in India and other countries. Prabakaran was killed in a climactic battle with
the Sri Lanka Army on May 18, 2009. Five years later, Rajapaksa, under whose
presidency the LTTE was wiped out, lost the election in Sri Lanka, thanks
largely to Sri Lankan Tamils and Muslims voting against him. Frontline has
covered the Sri Lankan issue consistently and exhaustively right from the
magazine’s inception.
V. PRABAKARAN, the LTTE leader, is a key player in the
dramatic developments represented by the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement and its
implementation. He was invited to New Delhi before the agreement was signed,
raised apprehensions and objections, met Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi for a
frank discussion of the situation and the problems, and returned to Jaffna in
early August. On August 4, Prabakaran made a speech that drew wide attention:
in it, he analysed the situation from the LTTE’s standpoint, expressed his
dissatisfaction with the agreement but also his closeness to India and said the
LTTE would hand over arms basically because it “loves India” and did not want
to clash with the IPKF. A week later, a Frontline team comprising writer T.S.
Subramanian and photographer D. Krishnan met him for this session in Jaffna.
Soon after this, fresh Indian assurances led to the LTTE deciding to go ahead
with the handing over of arms.
For his first extended interview after returning to Jaffna
from Tamil Nadu in January 1987, Velupillai Prabakaran, the Supreme Commander
of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, meets representatives of Frontline and
The Hindu in the second week of August in Jaffna. The interview, conducted in
Tamil, lasts over an hour.
The LTTE leader looked cool and relaxed. He sets the ball
rolling by suggesting that we should go to the Eastern province where the Sri
Lankan soldiers, he alleges, are still harassing Tamil civilians.
There was a media story that when the Sri Lanka armed
forces began their offensive against the Vadamarachchi region of the Jaffna
peninsula on May 26, you were trapped in Velvettiturai and you managed to
escape. Is this version true?
Prabakaran (smiling): I moved to Jaffna on the night of May
25. They began the offensive the next day morning. They attacked Velvettiturai
thinking that I was there.
What is your assessment of the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement?
What are your apprehensions about it? You say there is a shortfall in relation
to your expectations. What are the main areas of dissatisfaction?
As far as the agreement is concerned, they say that there
will be a referendum in the Eastern province even on the merger of the North
and the East. Moreover, they say the referendum will be decided by a simple
majority. It is not a question of the merger of the North and the East. It is
our homeland. There is no question of any negotiation on this.
There are some further complications. It is an agreement
between the Government of India and the Sri Lankan government, as far as we are
concerned. In 1983, there were only a few Sri Lankan army camps in the North
and the East. But now there are some 200 camps. The Sinhalese settlements could
not be removed or dissolved without removing these army camps and, in fact, the
camps “legitimised” the Sinhala settlements. An important aspect [in the agreement]
is that there is no room at all for the removal of the camps. To stop such
settlements and prevent atrocities, the Indian Army should stay there.
But a strange thing is that there are no Indian Army camps
beyond the Elephant Pass or Jaffna peninsula. But today, the Indian Army camps
have been established at Kodikamam, Achuveli, Palai, Vannankerni, Yakkachi
junction, Thalaiyadi coast, Pandatharippu and Kankesanthurai Light House. There
is no need [for Indian Army camps] in these places because there are no
Sinhalese here. But the Indian Army has set up camps there.
We say the 200 [Sri Lanka] Army camps should be removed. But
the Indian Army is establishing more camps. This has led to doubts and
dissatisfaction among the people, at a beginning stage. There is no atmosphere
of safety for the refugees to return. Security and surveillance zones have not
been lifted yet. The Indian Army camps have been established. This has led to
dissatisfaction among the people. They came to the LTTE’s office to give petitions
and we told them to give the petitions to them.
You said the text of the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement was not
given to you.
They took away the copy. Mr J.R. Jayewardene today says
there will be a referendum. The Bill has not been moved in Parliament.
The question of cut-off points should be settled. The
Government Agents say that people who had fled their places after 1983 could
return. But people left their places even before 1983. There are two important
aspects in this agreement. One is related to our homeland consisting of a
unified North and East. The second is our land. Both are complicated problems,
major complications. The agreement has not solved these two questions. This is
the fundamental problem.
What is your attitude towards the Government of India and
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi?
Attitude?
I mean your standpoint.
As they took into consideration their own interests and
hurriedly arrived at the agreement, they have not looked after the grievances
of the people who have been affected for so long.
How?
There are refugees in Mullaithivu. People are taking out
processions. But before that, we have to lay down our arms. However, the
people’s problems have not been solved. The problem is that people must return
to their land. To facilitate that, the [Sri Lanka] Army camps should be
removed. But the Indian Army is not prepared to remove the [Sri Lanka] Army
camps and this will not bring about a solution. If this had been discussed
before the agreement was arrived at, we would have laid down certain conditions.
We would have said the army camps should be removed. But this has not taken
place.
When we say the army camps should go back to the position
that obtained on May 25, then why do they establish more Indian Army camps in
Kodikamam? People are not able to go back first; the refugees are unable to
return.
Addressing the public meeting on the Sudumalai Amman
temple grounds on August 4, you said you had a heart-to-heart discussion with
Rajiv Gandhi. You also mentioned that he gave you some assurances and then you
relented. What are the assurances?
Mr Rajiv Gandhi gave the assurance that we, the Tamil
people, will be protected in the North and the East. But people are not able to
return to the East.
The Indian Army has gone there but the Tamil people are not
able to go there—because there is an increasing opposition from the Sinhalese
Home Guards and the Sinhalese people. There are army camps there in individual
houses, schools and cooperative stores. But the Indian Army has not been
deployed in such places. The Ceylon Army has not been evacuated, the problem
has not been solved. Another thing is the people’s lack of faith arising out of
the non-removal of the Ceylon Army. Even if the Indian Army goes, occupies such
places and later vacates, the Sinhala army will come back. Further, we wouldn’t
have arms.
What did Rajiv Gandhi say about the removal of 200 army
camps?
We opposed the agreement on this point. Nobody was prepared
to consider it.
In Delhi?
Yes, in Delhi [firmly].
In the future political set-up of the North and the East,
what is the role you envisage for the LTTE, once the laying down of arms is
completed?
When we say political role, we have contacts with people at
the organisational level and we are strengthening it. We are strengthening our
organisation in the East also. We are already working with the people in
Trincomalee and Batticaloa districts. This is not a difficult task.
Is the LTTE strong in the East?
In the East, our people are active even in areas where there
are Sinhalese. When the people hoisted the LTTE flag at Mudur, they were shot
dead. The Indian Army and the Government Agents wanted the flag to be removed.
To that extent, people are conscious of things.
Will you accept a multiparty, competitive political
system? You said earlier that there should be a one-party democracy on the
lines of Yugoslavia.
This is important and you should know our position. We have
not achieved Tamil Eelam. I had expressed my views on a political set-up for
Tamil Eelam. But there is no separate country now. This is an agreement imposed
on us. In this [set-up] everyone is equal, everyone is the same. We will fight
for our political objective. We will take the Eelam political objective in a
sustained manner before our people.
What I said then was to be done after the establishment of
our own State. But there cannot be any compatibility between one-party rule and
what obtains now. What is taking place now is this. Sri Lanka and India have
concluded an agreement. The Indian Army is here and is asking for our weapons.
If we don’t do that, we will have to fight the Indian Army. To avert that, we
accepted these arrangements, but we have not abandoned our political objective.
There are conflicting or varying reports on what you said
during the press conference you held in Jaffna on August 5. While one report
said that you would not allow “anti-social” militant groups to contest the
elections, other reports said you would allow other groups to contest. Which is
true?
Everybody will be allowed to contest elections. We will
place our views before the people.
What is the role you see for the TULF as the elected
representative of the people?
You are aware of what they did before. What do they know but
the job of fighting elections? They will go back to fighting elections. We
don’t want power to pass into their hands—that is our intention and our stand.
Let the people decide. They will contest elections. We will stand against them
in the furtherance of our cause. The people will decide on whose side they will
stand.
At the Sudumalai public meeting, you said the LTTE would
take to different forms of struggle. What are they? Will it be a mass-based
struggle, a revolutionary party, a non-violent struggle or will you take to
armed struggle again?
We will resort to a mass-based struggle.
But isn’t the LTTE a purely military organisation?
Today, the LTTE is a mass-based organisation. You would have
noted our May Day rally. There is military rule here during the time of the
rally. Military helicopters are firing from above. At the same time, the
Sinhalese people in the South are not able to celebrate the May Day. In this
kind of dangerous situation, if we are able to mobilise 200,000 people and take
out a rally in the burning sun, it does mean we are a mass-based organisation.
We have built up such a strength. If ours had been merely a militant
organisation, people would not have attended the May Day rally in such a
massive way.
What is your attitude towards the Muslims in the East?
We don’t look upon the Muslims as a separate category; we
consider them an integral part of the Tamils. It is a question of people united
by language and differentiated by religion.
President Jayewardene has been appealing to the people in
the East to vote against the merger in the referendum. What will you do if the
Muslims vote against the merger?
We have not planned for that situation. It is something that
is going to happen in the future. We can respond to the problem only at that
stage.
In a system where there are going to be elections—a
competitive political structure—what are the problems you foresee?
We have already met such political competition. We are no
strangers to such competition. Let the people decide ultimately whom they want.
Let them choose for themselves a proper leadership to free themselves from this
confusion.
What will be the future of your cadres, estimated to
number 5,000?
We will devise a proper plan for their future life. We will
not abandon them. We will find a way out for them to continue their livelihood.
In what way?
We will create job opportunities. Those who want to study
will be allowed to study. We will arrange for them technical training. All of
us will remain disciplined and create opportunities in a collective way.
What was the reaction of your cadres to the agreement and
to the proposition of handing over arms? Did they oppose the handing over of
arms?
As far as the cadres are concerned, they have much faith in
me personally. That is why they deferred to my word. But even today there is no
protection. Dangers arise for us from the cadres of the other armed organisations
and from the Sri Lanka Army.
Was there any opposition?
As regards opposition, I myself was not willing. Then,
imagine the feelings of the cadres. There is no security. So many cadres have
died.
What happens to the cyanide capsules that your men wear round
their necks? Are they necessary when there are no arms?
I think the capsules are needed most, they are indispensable
now. They are the only weapons for the cadres to protect themselves in the
Eastern province from hoodlums, the rival groups and the Sinhala army. Not only
that; they would continue to wear them in remembrance of those comrades who
fought along with them and sacrificed their lives.
[At this point, Prabakaran asks Yogi whether he sports the
cyanide capsule. Yogi pulls out the capsule tied to a string around his neck.
It is made of white and black plastic. Prabakaran also pulls out his capsule
from under the collar of his shirt and shows it to us. When we ask him whether
we can photograph him at this moment, he politely declines the proposition.]
How do you feel when your fighters are killed? For
example, you have named your son Charles Antony in memory of a loyal LTTE
fighter who was killed in a clash with the Sri Lanka Army in July 1983.
As far as our feelings are concerned, we have been very
deeply affected in our hearts. Having fought so much, having sacrificed so many
lives and having lost 20,000 people all this has been subordinated to India’s
strategic interests. Not only that, we the representatives of such martyrs,
have not been properly respected.
Hence, in this kind of situation during the interim
arrangement... we feel that we want to demonstrate to the Government of India
the support we have from the people. India has not given us our due. Without
consulting us, they have arrived at an agreement. Hence, we would like to enter
politics with the people’s support and with the goal of Tamil Eelam. That will
be the fitting reply.
Today’s Tamil papers in Jaffna quote an LTTE
representative as saying the organisation would not fully surrender arms.
Yes, we made the statement. It is better to fight and die
than surrender the weapons in an insecure environment and die on a mass scale!
What are the shaping influences on your life?
Ra. Su. Nallaperumal’s serial “Kallukkul Eeram” (“It is wet
inside the stone”) published in Kalki magazine. I have read it five times. It
revolves round the Indian freedom struggle. Mr Nallaperumal balances the
ahimsaic struggle and the armed struggle. Generally, I read anything on any
freedom movement. I used to read books on Joan of Arc, Napoleon, and so on. I
was always interested in history. Shivaji was the first guerilla to have fought
against the Mughal rule. When I was young, I always had a picture of Netaji
Subhas Chandra Bose. I used to keep his picture on my table when I used to
study. I had written on my table, “I will fight till the last drop of my blood
for the liberation of my motherland”.
Thank you, Mr Prabakaran.
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